Digital

Environmental

Communication

and Media Lab

Mission, Vision, and Values

We conduct research at the intersection of AI, social science, and climate communications to support climate action.

The Digital Environmental Communication and Media Lab advances research that strengthens strategic communication for environmental action. Working across academia, civil society, media, government, and industry, we investigate how online environmental information shapes public understanding, engagement, and action on sustainability challenges. Through rigorous and impactful research at the intersection of communication, media, and data science, we foster collaboration and generate knowledge that helps people better understand environmental challenges and make informed decisions. Guided by scientific rigor, collaboration, equity, diversity, inclusion, public impact, and environmental responsibility, we aim to contribute to a world where communication, media, and data science support more sustainable and informed societies.

Our Research

EcoMediaLab conducts high-quality, high-impact research spanning diverse topics, including, but not restricted to:  

Our research has been published in leading journals such as WIREs Climate Change, Climatic Change, Environmental Communication, and Information, Communication & Society, among others.

People

Directors

Dr. Marc Esteve del Valle

Director and Senior Lecturer in Digital Media and Sustainability

Dr. Tommaso Caselli

Co-Director and Senior Lecturer on Natural Language Processing

Team Members

MARIANA CHAVES

(PhD Student)

NOYA LETUNA

(PhD Student)

XINYING MA

XINYING MA (PhD Student)

NUCCIO LUDOVICO

(Postdoctoral Fellow)

Collaborators

Events

Connect

Join our mailing list to receive invitations to workshops, seminars, conferences, and other events hosted by the Environmental Communication and Media Lab.

© 2026 EcoMedialab. All rights reserved.
Research
Coan, T., Malla, R., Nanko, M.O, Kattrup, W., Roberts J.T., Cook, J. and Boussalis, C.

Abstract

Using 30 years of Congressional floor speeches (1994–2023), we built an AI-powered system to track how — and how often — members of Congress push back on climate science and policy. A few highlights: 🔬 Updated CARDS taxonomy: We revised and extended the CARDS framework (Coan et al., 2021) to better capture solutions-focused skepticism and explicitly link contrarian claims to the “discourses of delay” identified by Lamb et al. (2020) — bridging two major frameworks in the climate communication literature. ⚙️ New method — RECoT fine-tuning: We introduce Reverse Engineered Chain-of-Thought (RECoT) fine-tuning, a procedure that teaches a smaller, scalable model to “reason” through complex, multi-label classification tasks. The result: near frontier-model accuracy at roughly 1/10th the cost — making large-scale claims classification feasible. 📊 Key findings: • Republicans are ~12x more likely than Democrats to make contrarian claims in floor speeches. • “Solutions increase costs” accounts for roughly one-third of all contrarian claims. • Contrarian speech has spiked around major climate policy moments (1997, 2009, 2015), surged during the Biden era, and was driven by a dramatic increase in discourses of delay. • More conservative Republicans, younger members, and those representing fossil fuel-dependent districts are significantly more likely to make contrarian claims.

Dr. Marc Esteve del Valle

Director and Senior Lecturer in Digital Media & Sustainability. Marc Esteve del Valle is a Senior Lecturer with Ius Promovendi at the Research Centre for Media and Journalism Studies. His research and teaching focus on the intersection of digital media, environmental sustainability, and social change

Dr. Tommaso Caselli

Co-Director and Senior Lecturer on Natural Language Processing at the Center for Language and Cognition (CLCG). His research focuses on information disorder (hate speech and mis-/disinformation) detection and countering, event extraction and framing

MARIANA CHAVES (PhD Student)

Mariana Chaves is a PhD candidate in the Computational Linguistics group at the University of Groningen. Her doctoral research aims to use Natural Language Processing (NLP) to examine the argumentative structures underlying climate misinformation online. The project investigates how these structures contribute to polarization in digital conversations and works toward developing automated corrections that, beyond factual accuracy and proper logic, incorporate rhetorical mechanisms to better adapt to the audience. More broadly, her research has combined NLP and computational argumentation to study how misinformation, fallacious reasoning, and discourse patterns manifest across political debates, news media, film, and social media platforms.

CAROLA NEIRA-MELLADO (PhD Student)

Carola is  a PhD candidate at the Universidad de La Frontera (Temuco, Chile) and the Universidad Austral de Chile (Valdivia, Chile), pursuing a dual-degree agreement with the University of Groningen, The Netherlands. Her dissertation, The Protest Paradigm: An Automated Framing Analysis of Socio-Environmental Protest Coverage in Online News Media in Chile, Peru, and Mexico, 2010–2024, comparatively examines media coverage of environmental protest to explore how media representations are associated with broader policy outcomes.

Carola’s research interests include environmental protest, climate change communication and media coverage, energy transition, and environmental public policy.

NOYA LETUNA (PhD Student)

Noya is a doctoral candidate at the Graduate School for Humanities, University of Groningen. Her research focuses on digital narratives of climate change and tourism development in Labuan Bajo, Flores, East Nusa Tenggara, Indonesia, examining how communication strategies, platform dynamics, and competing representations between government and Indigenous communities shape public discourse around sustainability and local inclusion

XINYING MA (PhD Student)

Xinying Ma is a PhD candidate in the Integrated Research on Energy, Environment and Society (IREES) at the University of Groningen. Her research focuses on assessing the coherence and effectiveness of climate and energy policies. She examines the synergies and conflicts between policy intentions, actions, and outcomes, and how these interactions shape decarbonization performance and affect carbon emissions. 

NUCCIO LUDOVICO (Postdoctoral Fellow)

Nuccio is a postdoctoral research fellow at the Energy and Sustainability Research Institute Groningen (ESRIG), University of Groningen, and collaborates with the University of Modena and Reggio Emilia. Trained in Social Psychology, his research focuses on the analysis of large-scale social and digital trace data and combines computational social science approaches, including network analysis and natural language processing, with social-psychological perspectives to study socio-technical systems, social actors, and collective dynamics in sustainability, governance, and digital transformation contexts. 

Research
Coan, T., Malla, R., Nanko, M.O, Kattrup, W., Roberts J.T., Cook, J. and Boussalis, C.

Abstract

Using 30 years of Congressional floor speeches (1994–2023), we built an AI-powered system to track how — and how often — members of Congress push back on climate science and policy. A few highlights: 🔬 Updated CARDS taxonomy: We revised and extended the CARDS framework (Coan et al., 2021) to better capture solutions-focused skepticism and explicitly link contrarian claims to the “discourses of delay” identified by Lamb et al. (2020) — bridging two major frameworks in the climate communication literature. ⚙️ New method — RECoT fine-tuning: We introduce Reverse Engineered Chain-of-Thought (RECoT) fine-tuning, a procedure that teaches a smaller, scalable model to “reason” through complex, multi-label classification tasks. The result: near frontier-model accuracy at roughly 1/10th the cost — making large-scale claims classification feasible. 📊 Key findings: • Republicans are ~12x more likely than Democrats to make contrarian claims in floor speeches. • “Solutions increase costs” accounts for roughly one-third of all contrarian claims. • Contrarian speech has spiked around major climate policy moments (1997, 2009, 2015), surged during the Biden era, and was driven by a dramatic increase in discourses of delay. • More conservative Republicans, younger members, and those representing fossil fuel-dependent districts are significantly more likely to make contrarian claims.
Research
Coan, T., Malla, R., Nanko, M.O, Kattrup, W., Roberts J.T., Cook, J. and Boussalis, C.

Abstract

Using 30 years of Congressional floor speeches (1994–2023), we built an AI-powered system to track how — and how often — members of Congress push back on climate science and policy. A few highlights: 🔬 Updated CARDS taxonomy: We revised and extended the CARDS framework (Coan et al., 2021) to better capture solutions-focused skepticism and explicitly link contrarian claims to the “discourses of delay” identified by Lamb et al. (2020) — bridging two major frameworks in the climate communication literature. ⚙️ New method — RECoT fine-tuning: We introduce Reverse Engineered Chain-of-Thought (RECoT) fine-tuning, a procedure that teaches a smaller, scalable model to “reason” through complex, multi-label classification tasks. The result: near frontier-model accuracy at roughly 1/10th the cost — making large-scale claims classification feasible. 📊 Key findings: • Republicans are ~12x more likely than Democrats to make contrarian claims in floor speeches. • “Solutions increase costs” accounts for roughly one-third of all contrarian claims. • Contrarian speech has spiked around major climate policy moments (1997, 2009, 2015), surged during the Biden era, and was driven by a dramatic increase in discourses of delay. • More conservative Republicans, younger members, and those representing fossil fuel-dependent districts are significantly more likely to make contrarian claims.
Research
Coan, T., Malla, R., Nanko, M.O, Kattrup, W., Roberts J.T., Cook, J. and Boussalis, C.

Abstract

Using 30 years of Congressional floor speeches (1994–2023), we built an AI-powered system to track how — and how often — members of Congress push back on climate science and policy. A few highlights: 🔬 Updated CARDS taxonomy: We revised and extended the CARDS framework (Coan et al., 2021) to better capture solutions-focused skepticism and explicitly link contrarian claims to the “discourses of delay” identified by Lamb et al. (2020) — bridging two major frameworks in the climate communication literature. ⚙️ New method — RECoT fine-tuning: We introduce Reverse Engineered Chain-of-Thought (RECoT) fine-tuning, a procedure that teaches a smaller, scalable model to “reason” through complex, multi-label classification tasks. The result: near frontier-model accuracy at roughly 1/10th the cost — making large-scale claims classification feasible. 📊 Key findings: • Republicans are ~12x more likely than Democrats to make contrarian claims in floor speeches. • “Solutions increase costs” accounts for roughly one-third of all contrarian claims. • Contrarian speech has spiked around major climate policy moments (1997, 2009, 2015), surged during the Biden era, and was driven by a dramatic increase in discourses of delay. • More conservative Republicans, younger members, and those representing fossil fuel-dependent districts are significantly more likely to make contrarian claims.
Research
Coan, T., Malla, R., Nanko, M.O, Kattrup, W., Roberts J.T., Cook, J. and Boussalis, C.

Abstract

Using 30 years of Congressional floor speeches (1994–2023), we built an AI-powered system to track how — and how often — members of Congress push back on climate science and policy. A few highlights: 🔬 Updated CARDS taxonomy: We revised and extended the CARDS framework (Coan et al., 2021) to better capture solutions-focused skepticism and explicitly link contrarian claims to the “discourses of delay” identified by Lamb et al. (2020) — bridging two major frameworks in the climate communication literature. ⚙️ New method — RECoT fine-tuning: We introduce Reverse Engineered Chain-of-Thought (RECoT) fine-tuning, a procedure that teaches a smaller, scalable model to “reason” through complex, multi-label classification tasks. The result: near frontier-model accuracy at roughly 1/10th the cost — making large-scale claims classification feasible. 📊 Key findings: • Republicans are ~12x more likely than Democrats to make contrarian claims in floor speeches. • “Solutions increase costs” accounts for roughly one-third of all contrarian claims. • Contrarian speech has spiked around major climate policy moments (1997, 2009, 2015), surged during the Biden era, and was driven by a dramatic increase in discourses of delay. • More conservative Republicans, younger members, and those representing fossil fuel-dependent districts are significantly more likely to make contrarian claims.
Research
Coan, T., Malla, R., Nanko, M.O, Kattrup, W., Roberts J.T., Cook, J. and Boussalis, C.

Abstract

Using 30 years of Congressional floor speeches (1994–2023), we built an AI-powered system to track how — and how often — members of Congress push back on climate science and policy. A few highlights: 🔬 Updated CARDS taxonomy: We revised and extended the CARDS framework (Coan et al., 2021) to better capture solutions-focused skepticism and explicitly link contrarian claims to the “discourses of delay” identified by Lamb et al. (2020) — bridging two major frameworks in the climate communication literature. ⚙️ New method — RECoT fine-tuning: We introduce Reverse Engineered Chain-of-Thought (RECoT) fine-tuning, a procedure that teaches a smaller, scalable model to “reason” through complex, multi-label classification tasks. The result: near frontier-model accuracy at roughly 1/10th the cost — making large-scale claims classification feasible. 📊 Key findings: • Republicans are ~12x more likely than Democrats to make contrarian claims in floor speeches. • “Solutions increase costs” accounts for roughly one-third of all contrarian claims. • Contrarian speech has spiked around major climate policy moments (1997, 2009, 2015), surged during the Biden era, and was driven by a dramatic increase in discourses of delay. • More conservative Republicans, younger members, and those representing fossil fuel-dependent districts are significantly more likely to make contrarian claims.
Research
Coan, T., Malla, R., Nanko, M.O, Kattrup, W., Roberts J.T., Cook, J. and Boussalis, C.

Abstract

Using 30 years of Congressional floor speeches (1994–2023), we built an AI-powered system to track how — and how often — members of Congress push back on climate science and policy. A few highlights: 🔬 Updated CARDS taxonomy: We revised and extended the CARDS framework (Coan et al., 2021) to better capture solutions-focused skepticism and explicitly link contrarian claims to the “discourses of delay” identified by Lamb et al. (2020) — bridging two major frameworks in the climate communication literature. ⚙️ New method — RECoT fine-tuning: We introduce Reverse Engineered Chain-of-Thought (RECoT) fine-tuning, a procedure that teaches a smaller, scalable model to “reason” through complex, multi-label classification tasks. The result: near frontier-model accuracy at roughly 1/10th the cost — making large-scale claims classification feasible. 📊 Key findings: • Republicans are ~12x more likely than Democrats to make contrarian claims in floor speeches. • “Solutions increase costs” accounts for roughly one-third of all contrarian claims. • Contrarian speech has spiked around major climate policy moments (1997, 2009, 2015), surged during the Biden era, and was driven by a dramatic increase in discourses of delay. • More conservative Republicans, younger members, and those representing fossil fuel-dependent districts are significantly more likely to make contrarian claims.
Research
Coan, T., Malla, R., Nanko, M.O, Kattrup, W., Roberts J.T., Cook, J. and Boussalis, C.

Abstract

Using 30 years of Congressional floor speeches (1994–2023), we built an AI-powered system to track how — and how often — members of Congress push back on climate science and policy. A few highlights: 🔬 Updated CARDS taxonomy: We revised and extended the CARDS framework (Coan et al., 2021) to better capture solutions-focused skepticism and explicitly link contrarian claims to the “discourses of delay” identified by Lamb et al. (2020) — bridging two major frameworks in the climate communication literature. ⚙️ New method — RECoT fine-tuning: We introduce Reverse Engineered Chain-of-Thought (RECoT) fine-tuning, a procedure that teaches a smaller, scalable model to “reason” through complex, multi-label classification tasks. The result: near frontier-model accuracy at roughly 1/10th the cost — making large-scale claims classification feasible. 📊 Key findings: • Republicans are ~12x more likely than Democrats to make contrarian claims in floor speeches. • “Solutions increase costs” accounts for roughly one-third of all contrarian claims. • Contrarian speech has spiked around major climate policy moments (1997, 2009, 2015), surged during the Biden era, and was driven by a dramatic increase in discourses of delay. • More conservative Republicans, younger members, and those representing fossil fuel-dependent districts are significantly more likely to make contrarian claims.